The occupational analysis
Judging from the evidence of signatures on the petitions, Chartism
at its peak appears to have involved 2-3 million people out of a
total adult population of 10 million in 1841. Other sources confirm
that, despite the presence of some shopkeepers, traders and small
employers, Chartism was an overwhelmingly working class movement.
Whilst the evidence is still too patchy to produce a systematic
occupational analysis of Chartist membership, it is possible to
draw a number of broad conclusions:
Apart
from agricultural labourers (21.7% of the workforce in 1841),
virtually all working class occupations were represented
in Chartism, from 'modern' factory-based work to increasingly
'obsolescent' handworkers in the domestic textile industry.
Textile
workers appear to have formed the largest single occupational
grouping within the Chartist movement, with handloom weavers predominating
within this broad category.
Shoemakers
were also a particularly prominent group - their control of the
pace of work and relative lack of noise in the workplace being
cited by historians as the major factors promoting political discussion
amongst this particular occupational group.
Tailors,
like shoemakers, were members of a craft which was under severe
pressure from dilution (the challenge to traditional skills through
the introduction and increased use of machinery) and resultant
wage cuts. They were consequently also prominent in Chartist activity.
The
involvement of groups like these has led some historians to conclude
that Chartism was in fact a backward looking movement - its incidence
and support being related to the increasingly desperate actions
of a dying breed of handicraft workers. It is of course highly likely
that many of these workers were motivated by economic factors to
join Chartism - in particular the declining living standards experienced
during the depressions of 1838-9, 1842 and 1847-8. For increasingly
desperate occupational groups such as handloom weavers, Chartism
may indeed have been out of necessity 'a knife and fork question'.
However, the sheer diversity of occupations involved in Chartism
suggests that it should not be seen simply as a reactive protest
by deprived and increasingly displaced members of the proto-industrial
workforce.
As a result, some historians now prefer to explain the nature and
extent of Chartist support in terms of the specific structures and
traditions of different local communities. It has been argued that
in many places, the intensity of Chartist activity depended on the
presence of groups and individuals that had been involved in radical
activity since the 1790s - those who were able to command allegiance
to a communal sense of identity and dignity. It is this factor,
rather than occupation per se, which some historians believe to
be more significant in explaining the distribution of Chartist support.
It is therefore also in this sense that a study of the localities
becomes important.
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